Suchergebnisse

SummarySummary From a survey conducted in the Irish Republic, data on ideal family size are given. Irish wives have high family size preferences, the overall mean ideal family size being 4.3 children. The Irish data are compared with American and western European; they show that the ideals of wives in Ireland are significantly higher than in these other countries. The concept of ideal family size appears to possess validity in its own right, and is not solely a rationalization of actual fertility experience.

SummaryThe 1935 Criminal Law Amendment Act translated the Catholic Church's doctrine regarding contraception into the law of the land prohibiting the sale, importation and advertising of 'unnatural methods' of contraception.Over the years, public opinion has changed and it has been estimated that over 20,000 Irish wives are taking the pill in spite of Humanae Vitae. Family planning clinics have been set up in Dublin.In 1973, the Supreme Court ruled in the McGee case that the ban on importation was unconstitutional and violated private rights.Three private member's bills have been defeated and a Government bill to amend the 1935 Act is before the present session of the Dáil. It is a conservative measure seeking to restrict the importation and selling of contraceptives to licensed persons and making it an offence for unmarried persons to purchase them. It is probable that the bill will be defeated by Government members who regard it as too permissive and that the law will be further liberalized by more test-cases in the Courts.

1922 to the 1980s.

Once the 'sick man of Europe', the Irish Republic is now hailed as the 'Celtic Tiger'. Commentators and politicians, both within and outside Ireland, point to the Republic's supposedly dazzling economic success as evidence of how nations can flourish in a globalised world. I question this notion, suggesting that Ireland's improved economic performance is best explained by a combination of factors, which cannot simply be lumped under the term 'globalisation'. Indeed, they seem directly to contradict many of the arguments made in the name of globalisation. However, I also contend that ideas about globalisation may play an increasingly important role in Irish economic developments.

IN THE LAST TWO YEARS, A SERIES OF EVENTS HAS OCCURED WHICH, TAKEN TOGETHER, SEEMED TO SIGNIFY DEVELOPMENTS OF SUCH IMPORTANCE THAT EVEN THOSE OBSERVERS OF IRISH POLITICS MOST PRONE TO RELISH OR LAMENT ITS APPARENT BARREN CONTINUITIES HAVE BEGUN TO CONTEMPLATE THE POSSIBILTY OF A RADICAL OPENING OF PERSPECTIVES. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES SPECIFICALLY THE INITIATIVES CONCERNING NORTHERN IRELAND, FROM THE JOINT DECLARATION AGREED BY THE BRITISH AND IRISH PRIME MINISTERS ON 15 DECEMBER 1993, RESPONDING TO UNPRECEDENTED REVISIONIST THINKING AMONGST THE LEADERSHIP OF THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT, THROUGH TO THE IRA'S CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES ANNOUNCED ON 31 AUGUST 1994, AFTER A RELENTLESS "ARMED STRUGGLE" AGAINST THE BRITISH STATE FOR OVER TWENTY YEARS. DISCUSSED ARE IRISH POLITICS IN BOTH IRELAND AND BRITAIN.